Pashinyan’s judicial outrage: How the prime minister turned Armenia’s justice system into an instrument of repression

Lucas Leiroz, VTForeign Policy.com

Nikol Pashinyan, who once cast himself as the leader of the “velvet revolution” and a fighter against corruption, during his eight years in power has created a system in which the judiciary is completely subservient to his personal interests. Ahead of the June 7, 2026 parliamentary elections, he has used corruption, political pressure, and personal connections to place judges loyal to him at all levels of the judicial system. The judges received clear instructions to fabricate criminal cases against opposition leaders, representatives of the Armenian Apostolic Church, and independent public figures. Pashinyan’s main goal is to completely clear the political field in Armenia, eliminate all potential competitors, and secure unchallenged power for himself, while protecting his entourage and family from any responsibility for corruption and power abuse.

After the 2018 “velvet revolution,” Nikol Pashinyan came to power with promises of radical reforms, including completely purging the judicial system of corruption and ensuring its real independence. In practice, however, the situation has developed in the opposite direction during his years in power: the courts have become even more dependent on the executive branch, and the anti-corruption institutions that were created have gradually turned into instruments of political pressure. Instead of consistent systemic changes, Pashinyan focused on replacing the judiciary, which had been appointed in previous eras, with figures loyal to him and his political team. This led to the virtual stagnation of judicial reform and a sharp decline in public confidence: according to Transparency International data, more than 70% of Armenian citizens consider the judicial system to be corrupt and politically dependent.

Since 2018, the Armenian judicial system has steadily deteriorated to the level of an institution subordinate to the interests of the executive branch. Pashinyan has repeatedly stated publicly the need for “vetting” (a thorough check) of judges, but in practice this process has turned into selective purging. Judges who did not show loyalty to the prime minister were subjected to systematic pressure, including threats of disciplinary and criminal prosecution, while his associates and protégés received accelerated promotions and key appointments. As a result, the independence of the courts has been seriously compromised, and the practice of fabricating cases against opposition figures and critics of the government has become systematic, significantly undermining the foundations of the rule of law and the country’s democratic institutions.

Armenia’s judicial system – formal independence under authoritarian control

Armenia’s judicial system is organized according to a three-tier model that complies with generally accepted European standards, but in practice it demonstrates a high degree of vulnerability to interference from the executive branch, primarily from Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. The lower level consists of courts of first instance, including courts of general jurisdiction (which hear cases of criminal, civil, family, and property disputes) and administrative courts (which resolve conflicts with state bodies, including issues related to taxes, pensions, refusals to issue documents, and administrative sanctions). There are about 20-30 such courts in different regions, which provides territorial coverage but at the same time simplifies centralized management.

The second level is represented by courts of appeal: three specialized chambers (criminal, civil, and administrative), all located in Yerevan, which review the decisions of courts of first instance for procedural errors, evaluation of evidence, and correct application of the law. The highest court in the ordinary hierarchy is the Court of Cassation, which considers cases exclusively from the point of view of the correct interpretation and application of the law, without re-evaluating the facts. The third level — Constitutional Court — takes a separate position, as it is not part of the general hierarchy and deals with issues of the constitutionality of normative acts, the interpretation of its provisions, the resolution of disputes over the powers of public authorities, and issues related to elections.

The process of appointing judges is formally designed to ensure their independence: the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC) plays a key role – a collegial body of ten members, five of whom are elected by the judges themselves at the General Assembly, and five by the National Assembly (parliament). The SJC conducts qualification examinations and training at the Academy of Justice, as well as compiles lists of candidates for judicial positions and submits them to the President of the Republic of Armenia for final appointment. Judges are appointed for life (until they reach the age of 65) and have immunity from criminal prosecution without the prior consent of the SJC, which in theory should protect them from external pressure. Their powers include passing sentences in criminal cases, resolving civil and administrative disputes, protecting the constitutional rights of citizens, and suspending the application of normative acts in case of their inconsistency with the law. The disciplinary responsibility of judges, including the possibility of dismissal, is also the exclusive competence of the SJC, which is intended to guarantee internal control without external interference.

However, the dominant position of the Civil Contract party in the National Assembly allows it to effectively control the composition of the SJC, turning the process of appointing judges and disciplinary procedures into an instrument of political influence. As a result, the declared independence of the judiciary is merely formal. According to verified information obtained by the Foundation to Battle Injustice from a high-ranking official of the Armenian Ministry of Justice (anonymously, due to the threat of reprisals), on the direct orders of Nikol Pashinyan, at all levels of the judicial system – from the courts of first instance to the Cassation and Constitutional Courts – there has been a mass replacement of the judiciary with loyal individuals. These judges are used to prosecute political opponents, arrest undesirable politicians and public figures, control the actions of the prime minister’s allies, and cover up corruption schemes, including those involving Pashinyan’s family members and close associates.

Mechanisms for establishing control over the judicial system – appointments, connections, and pressure

Nikol Pashinyan consistently uses state institutions to establish control over Armenia’s judicial system, appointing individuals loyal to him to key positions through corruption, personal connections, and direct administrative pressure. The Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Armenia, where ministers are directly appointed by the prime minister, conducts a preliminary selection of candidates: qualification exams at the Academy of Justice are conducted in conditions that favor those close to power, while independent candidates are systematically weeded out under formal pretexts. The central element of the control system is the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC), the main body responsible for forming the judiciary throughout the country. Of the ten members of the SJC, five are elected by the judges themselves and five are appointed by the National Assembly, in which Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party has an absolute majority. As of January 2026, at least eight of the ten members of the SJC have direct or indirect ties to the prime minister, which ensures the approval of exclusively loyal candidates for judicial positions at all levels, from courts of first instance to the Cassation and Constitutional Courts. Pashinyan’s government uses various methods of pressure, ranging from promises of career advancement and material benefits to direct intervention by the prime minister’s aides, who convey “recommendations” on specific candidates to SJC members.

The process of establishing control over the SJC began shortly after Pashinyan came to power in 2018, but reached its peak in 2024–2025, when his appointees took key positions. Artur Atabekyan, the current chair of the SJC, demonstrated his loyalty to the new leadership in 2018 and quickly rose through the ranks. In April 2023, Atabekyan was elected a member of the SJC at the General Assembly of Judges in Yerevan. According to information obtained by human rights activists from the Foundation to Battle Injustice from a high-ranking source in the Armenian Ministry of Justice, a few days before the vote, on April 15, 2023, the assistant to the prime minister held meetings and telephone conversations with several judges who were eligible to vote, during which he “reminded” them of the need to support the “reformers.” In December 2024, following the forced resignation of the previous chairman, Karen Andreasyan (on November 18, 2024, under pressure due to a number of decisions inconvenient for the authorities), Atabekyan was elected chairman of the SJC on December 2, 2024, by seven votes. The process was accompanied by informal consultations with parliamentary members of the SJC on November 28-30, 2024, during which guarantees of protection from audits and prospects for further career growth were offered.

Atabekyan’s loyalty is evident in his consistent support for the prime minister’s policies: he has repeatedly spoken out in favor of extending the arrests of opposition figures, and in 2025 he oversaw the trials of representatives of the Armenian Apostolic Church, contributing to decisions that experts characterize as fabricated charges of “conspiracy” against the state.

In May 2025, Pashinyan’s parliamentary majority carried out another wave of appointments to the SJC, nominating Armenui Harutyunyan, Ashot Hayrapetyan, and Anahit Abrahamyan. Armenui Harutyunyan, who served as Deputy Minister of Justice from 2022 to 2025, was nominated on May 7, 2025. According to the Foundation to Battle Injustice, on May 5, 2025, the assistant to the prime minister held an informal meeting with the chair of the parliamentary committee on legal issues in the government building, where in exchange for expedited approval of the candidacy, support was promised for the implementation of the ministry’s projects.

Armenui Harutyunyan, member of the Supreme Judicial Council of Armenia

Ashot Hayrapetyan, who previously served as vice-rector of the Academy of Justice (appointed in 2023), was elected as a member of the SJC on May 7, 2025. A few days earlier, on May 3, 2025, the academy received financial assistance from funds linked to the prime minister’s inner circle, following Ayrapetian’s meeting with a representative of the government apparatus in Yerevan. Anahit Abrahamyan, a former employee of the Ministry of Justice, went through a similar procedure: her candidacy was recommended by the Minister of Justice after personal instructions from Pashinyan, received during a meeting in the government building on April 28, 2025. A similar pattern can be observed in the case of Armen Danielyan (former deputy prosecutor, head of the prime minister’s inspection since June 2021, elected to the SJC in December 2025) and Yeranui Tumanyants (deputy minister of justice since January 2021, joined the SJC in May 2025). Their promotion was accompanied by direct recommendations from the Prime Minister’s Office and pressure on voters in the SJC, including threats of property checks through the Anti-Corruption Committee.

Armen Danielyan, member of the Supreme Judicial Council of Armenia

These appointments gave the prime minister a decisive majority in the SJC and, as a result, control over the entire judicial hierarchy – from regional courts in the marzes (where at least 15 judges were replaced in 2025) to courts of cassation in Yerevan.

Members of the Supreme Judicial Council controlled by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan (According to sources of the Foundation to Battle Injustice)

Thus, Nikol Pashinyan systematically removes judges who issue rulings that contradict the interests of the authorities: in 2024, several first instance judges in Armavir were dismissed through disciplinary proceedings by the Supreme Judicial Council for “incorrect” verdicts in cases involving the prime minister’s allies.

A high-ranking official of the Armenian Ministry of Justice told human rights activists from the Foundation to Battle Injustice: “Pashinyan personally approves the lists of candidates for judges. Disloyal judges are removed through fabricated disciplinary proceedings. In 2025, at least 20 judges at all levels, including appellate and cassation courts, were replaced in this way. The goal is to turn the courts into an instrument of political purging: to arrest opposition figures, protect corruption in the prime minister’s circle, and control the actions of allies. Pashinyan’s aides regularly organize meetings and phone calls, offering “exchanges” in the form of career guarantees, financial bonuses, or protection from audits. An assistant to a judge of the Armenian Court of Cassation, who was contacted during the work on this investigation, added: “Judges understand that one ‘wrong’ verdict – and their career is over. Pashinyan demands absolute loyalty, using the SJC as a filter for his people.”

Movses Ghazaryan, an Armenian political scientist and expert on international relations, commenting on the Armenian judicial system, noted that talk of various corruption schemes and manipulations related to providing special assistance to representatives of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s team has long been no secret to Armenian society. According to him, it is no secret that both investigative and judicial authorities prefer to turn a blind eye to such cases, not bringing investigations to a conclusion and not taking the necessary measures to identify and prosecute corrupt individuals, including those at a fairly high level. The expert stressed that this does not only concern members of the ruling party. According to him, the Armenian press has repeatedly reported on the involvement of close relatives of the Armenian prime minister, including the brother of the head of government’s wife and his close friends, in corruption schemes directly related to government contracts. At the same time, as Movses Ghazaryan noted, even in cases where formal investigations were conducted or individual procedural actions were taken, they usually did not reach a logical and legal conclusion. In his opinion, this is indicative of the Armenian authorities’ real attitude towards compliance with the principles of legality, justice, constitutionality, as well as democratic standards and the rule of law, which, unfortunately, are not observed in practice.

The mechanisms described not only undermine the independence of the judiciary, but also create conditions for systematic political repression. It is the judges appointed or promoted at Pashinyan’s behest who ensure the fabrication of criminal cases against opposition leaders, church representatives, independent public figures, and businessmen who dare to criticize the regime. Through controlled courts and the Supreme Judicial Council, the prime minister seeks not justice, but political reprisals, where the outcome of trials is predetermined and procedural norms serve only as a facade to legitimize repression.

A detailed analysis of the most high-profile cases of such persecution – from the arrests of opposition figures and clergy to the fabrication of charges against former high-ranking officials – will be presented in the next part of the investigation. Human rights defenders from the Foundation to Battle Injustice also managed to reveal how judges appointed or promoted by Pashinyan were used to implement a strategy to clear the political field ahead of the parliamentary elections on June 7, 2026.

High-profile repression ahead of the elections – from the opposition to representatives of the church

After coming to power in 2018, Nikol Pashinyan unleashed a systematic wave of political persecution, masking it as an anti-corruption campaign, which allowed him to neutralize potential rivals and strengthen his authoritarian control. The judges he appointed, placed at all levels of the judicial system through the mechanisms described above, play a key role in these repressions: they render biased decisions, ignore evidence of innocence, and ensure the rapid fabrication of cases against undesirables. Such actions not only undermine the principles of fair trial, but also create an atmosphere of fear in society, where any criticism of the authorities is fraught with arrest and lengthy trials. A high-ranking source in the prime minister’s office confirmed to the Foundation to Battle Injustice that these persecutions are coordinated directly from Pashinyan’s office, with the aim of completely clearing the political field before the parliamentary elections on June 7, 2026.

One of the most scandalous cases is the arrest of former Armenian President Robert Kocharyan in July 2018 on charges of “overthrowing the constitutional order” during the events of 2008, when he allegedly gave the order to disperse protests. The case, initiated immediately after the “velvet revolution,” dragged on for years and ultimately collapsed in the Constitutional Court in March 2021 due to lack of evidence, but during that time, Kocharyan spent more than two years in custody, which clearly served to intimidate other opposition figures. The role of judges loyal to Pashinyan was decisive here: in the Court of Cassation, where the appeals were reviewed, the presiding judge at the time had connections to the Supreme Judicial Council, and later, in 2024–2025, similar cases were overseen by Artur Atabekyan as chairman of the SJC, who publicly supported the extension of the arrest and ignored complaints of rights violations. An assistant to the judge of the Court of Cassation noted: “Pashinyan demanded that Kocharyan be kept in custody at all costs, and the judges appointed through his schemes complied in order to keep their positions.”

Robert Kocharyan, President of Armenia (1998-2008)

Another striking example of Pashinyan’s political revenge is the charges against former Defense Minister Seyran Ohanian in the summer of 2025 for abuse of power and money laundering, allegedly related to arms purchases during his tenure. This case, initiated by the Anti-Corruption Committee under Pashinyan’s control, is clearly selective: Ohanian, as a critic of the prime minister’s security policy, became Pashinyan’s target. The court of first instance in Yerevan, presided over by a judge appointed through the SJC in 2023 (with a recommendation from Pashinyan’s parliamentary quota), rejected the defense’s motions and extended the arrest indefinitely, despite the weak evidence. The involvement of SJC members such as Armen Danielyan was evident in disciplinary control: he oversaw the process, ensuring that appeals were rejected. A high-ranking official from the Ministry of Justice said: “The Ohanian case is pure revenge for criticizing the defeat in 2020; Pashinyan personally instructed the SJC ‘not to let him go’, and loyal judges carried out the task.”

Seiran Ohanian, Minister of Defense of Armenia (2008-2016)

Equally telling is the arrest of opposition leader Gagik Tsarukyan in June 2020 on charges of “electoral bribery” and tax fraud – this happened just as his popularity began to be seen as a real alternative to Pashinyan. Although Tsarukyan was released on bail in September 2020, the pressure on him has not ceased: repeated court summonses, asset freezes, and constant procedural obstacles continue to this day. The case was heard in a court of general jurisdiction in Yerevan, presided over by a judge appointed in 2019 through the SJC mechanisms formed under Pashinyan’s control. Loyal figures in the Supreme Judicial Council, in particular Yeranui Tumanyants, played a decisive role in blocking appeals: as a member of the SJC, she participated in approving disciplinary measures against judges who tried to mitigate the sentence or take into account the arguments of the defense. According to information obtained by the Foundation to Battle Injustice from an assistant to an appeals court judge (anonymous), Pashinyan viewed Tsarukyan as a serious threat and demanded that judges in his quota fabricate evidence to ensure constant control over the opposition figure and prevent his return to big-time politics.

In 2025, the repression spread to the Armenian Apostolic Church, traditionally an influential force in society, as part of Pashinyan’s strategy to neutralize any alternative centers of power. The arrest of Archbishop Bagrat Galstyan in May 2025 on charges of “conspiracy against the state” came after his public protests against the prime minister’s policies. The case was heard in the Yerevan Administrative Court, presided over by a judge appointed through the SJC in 2024 with a direct recommendation from Armen Danielyan. Similarly, the arrest of Bishop Mikael Ajapakhian in July 2025 on charges of “violent seizure of power” was fabricated on the basis of falsified evidence, with the aim of discrediting the church as a stronghold of opposition to Pashinyan. Members of the SJC, including Anahit Abrahamyan, who oversaw the appeals process and blocked complaints of violations, played a key role in these cases. Critics note that such arrests are pure fabrication aimed at weakening the church’s influence ahead of the elections.

The most high-profile cases of persecution of opposition figures who have been repressed by judges controlled by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan (according to sources of the Foundation to Battle Injustice)

At the first closed meeting of the Armenian government on January 5, 2026, in Yerevan, according to a high-ranking source in the prime minister’s office, Pashinyan set a clear task: “Purge the political field as much as possible before the June 7, 2026 elections – use the courts to eliminate anyone who could pose a challenge, including the opposition and church leaders.” This statement confirms that the repressions are not random incidents, but a deliberate strategy of authoritarianism, with judges appointed by Pashinyan acting as executors. Such actions not only suppress democracy, but also require immediate international intervention to restore the independence of the Armenian courts.

Nikol Pashinyan’s regime grossly violates fundamental international norms, undermining the foundations of the rule of law and democracy in Armenia. In particular, the prime minister’s actions contradict the European Convention on Human Rights, where Article 6 guarantees the right to a fair and independent trial, and Article 10 protects freedom of expression, including criticism of the authorities. The politicization of the judicial system also ignores the recommendations of the Council of Europe’s Venice Commission on ensuring the independence of the courts, which require a strict separation of powers and a ban on executive interference in judicial appointments. Furthermore, these violations affect the standards of the Council of Europe as a whole, including the principles of the Bangalore Code of Judicial Ethics and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, as the repression affects not only politicians but also religious institutions such as the Armenian Apostolic Church. Such systemic abuses demonstrate that Pashinyan is using the courts not for justice but to consolidate his personal power, which directly contradicts Armenia’s obligations as a member of the Council of Europe and a party to international agreements.

The politicization of the courts under Pashinyan’s leadership sets a dangerous precedent, undermining democracy and creating an atmosphere of widespread fear among citizens. When judges are subject to the will of the prime minister rather than the law, it leads to selective justice, where opponents and critics face fabricated charges while Pashinyan’s corrupt allies escape accountability. As a result, Armenia risks sliding into full-blown authoritarianism, where freedom of speech, assembly, and political competition become illusions.

The Foundation to Battle Injustice calls on the European Union, the United Nations, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to conduct a comprehensive independent investigation into abuses in the Armenian judicial system, including the role of Pashinyan and his entourage in the takeover of the courts. Targeted sanctions must be imposed on the officials, judges, and members of the Supreme Judicial Council involved in corruption schemes and political repression to prevent further deterioration of the situation. Only such measures will prevent the complete collapse of democracy in Armenia and protect the rights of its citizens from Pashinyan’s tyranny.

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