Pashinyan’s Party Should be Banned from June Elections for Violating the Constitution — By Harut Sassounian

After the June 2021 parliamentary elections, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract (CC) political party made dozens of promises to achieve within five years, such as defending Artsakh and the rights of its people, etc. However, those promises were either unfulfilled or contradicted by subsequent government actions.

The leaders of CC appointed themselves to top government positions despite lacking qualifications, and enriched themselves through exclusive state contracts, high salaries, and millions of dollars in undeserved bonuses. The same party is now trying to fool the public again for a second time.

On April 3, 2026, CC released its campaign plan for the parliamentary elections of June 7, 2026, and listed 100 key actions to be accomplished between 2026 and 2031.

I will present two of these promised actions:

Point 10, titled “Value-based society,” outlines the Civil Contract’s plans “to reform” the Armenian Apostolic Church. The CC claims that “the activities of the de facto leadership of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church [poses] a problem of spiritual security, since it has created an opportunity for external forces to try to turn the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church into a base for a hybrid struggle against the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Armenia.” This baseless statement is intended to deflect similar accusations against Pashinyan. If any citizen, layman or clergyman, is a foreign agent, the government has an obligation to arrest and charge that person. This is a defamatory claim, similar to those made against Pashinyan.

Point 10 goes on to detail specific steps that violate the Armenian constitution’s principle of separation of Church and State. Below is CC’s plan:

“a) Removal of the de facto head of the Armenian Apostolic Church (retirement)”;

“b) Election of the Catholicosate Vicar in accordance with established procedure”;

“c) Adoption of the Statute of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church. The Statute should establish mechanisms for maintaining the established principles, financial transparency, and good conduct of the clergy”;

“d) Election of the Catholicos of All Armenians in accordance with established procedure”.

Political parties have no right to decide any of the above four steps. The constitution forbids the government from meddling in the internal affairs of the Church, which has long-established procedures. The government can barely run the country; yet it seeks to manage the Church as well.

Furthermore, CC seeks to offer the clergy personal benefits. Point 10 states: “The Parliamentary majority formed by the Civil Contract party and the government will undertake the inclusion of clergy in the state system of social guarantees.” I am not opposed to the clergy receiving benefits such as health insurance and social security, like all other Armenian citizens; however, it is problematic to link these benefits with the government’s interference with the Church’s hierarchy.

Strangely, Point 10 reiterates that “religious organizations are separate from the state,” yet the government has repeatedly violated the constitution and many other laws, while lecturing society about “removing the Church from politics.” CC leaders act as if they are the only ones who have the right to violate the constitution with impunity.

The Holy See of Etchmiadzin issued a statement condemning CC’s illegal plans to “reform the Armenian Church.” The Holy See stated: This “is a clear violation of the constitutional order, the Church’s right of self-government, as well as the international fundamental principles of freedom of conscience and religion.”

We now turn to Point 100 which states: “Organize a conference for pro-state Diaspora organizations to adopt a concept of Armenia-Diaspora cooperation in peacetime, and to form mechanisms for its implementation.”

This is the Pashinyan government’s latest attempt to divide and weaken existing Armenia-Diaspora relationships, in addition to many other steps by the Pashinyan regime that harm the interests of all Armenians.

Here are some of the other steps that Pashinyan and his incompetent appointee, Zareh Sinanyan, the so-called “High Commissioner of Diaspora Affairs for Armenia,” have undertaken against the Diaspora.

Instead of utilizing the Diaspora as a valuable asset, the Armenian government is undermining its relationship with seven million Diaspora Armenians.

Pashinyan began his rule eight years ago by shutting down the Diaspora Ministry — the main the bridge between Armenia and the Diaspora.

He has repeatedly antagonized the Diaspora publicly. At a 2024 government conference in Yerevan for hundreds of Diaspora Armenians who had come to Yerevan from around the world, Pashinyan rudely said: “We don’t need your help. Armenia can take care of its own needs.”

In 2025, during his visit to Turkey, Pashinyan told a group of Istanbul Armenians: “Don’t rely on me. The Prime Minister is not responsible for Armenians around the world. The Diaspora must solve its own problems in its communities.”

We should also add Pashinyan’s blacklist of Diaspora Armenians who are banned from entering Armenia simply because they said something he did not like.

In conclusion, if Pashinyan’s party wins the majority of seats in the June 7 parliamentary elections, the situation will become more critical for all Armenians, both inside and outside Armenia.