Why Diaspora Armenians Must Begin Discussing a Government-in-Exile?
The idea of an Armenian government-in-exile is not new. It has been discussed by many people over the years. The question is whether the Armenian nation has the will and the infrastructure to make such an idea meaningful if circumstances ever require it.
After the Armenian Genocide, Armenians throughout the diaspora built churches, schools, cultural organizations, charities, and community institutions. But we always looked to the Republic of Armenia as our homeland and the center of our national life. That is natural. The challenge is that we never developed enough independent, global infrastructure that could continue to represent Armenian national interests if the government in Yerevan failed to do so.
My greatest concern is that a nation should never become completely dependent on a single government or a single political leader. If the future of an entire nation can be altered by the decisions of one individual, then that nation has a structural weakness that must be addressed.
It should never take just one person to place an entire nation at risk. Whether that person comes to power through elections or any other means, no country’s institutions should be so fragile that one leader can fundamentally reshape its destiny. Our national institutions must be strong enough to protect Armenia regardless of who occupies the prime minister’s office.
Individuals can easily be corrupted or influenced by foreign governments – especially hostile ones. For years, Turkey and Azerbaijan have actively worked to recruit people who can advance their agendas. While we cannot be 100% certain, Prime Minister Pashinyan’s actions strongly suggest this kind of influence. Over the past eight years, he has systematically dismantled Armenia’s position in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), undermined the constitution, and weakened key state institutions. This pattern is extremely dangerous.
No country should depend so heavily on a single leader. People are also highly susceptible to being brainwashed, turning political support into something resembling a cult of personality. This makes the situation even riskier.
That is why Armenian urgently needs an independent structure – such as an Armenian Government-in-Exile—to monitor developments inside the country, continue diplomatic and lobbying efforts, and serve as a safeguard for national interests.
Foreign governments, particularly adversaries, invest billions in intelligence operations whose primary task is to identify, recruit, and influence key figures. It should therefore come as no surprise if Pashinyan has been compromised by Turkey. His policies — ceding Artsakh, dismantling constitutional protections, building a massive loyal police force, and bringing the Constitutional Court under his direct control – have left him with almost unlimited power and no real institutional checks. Judges appear unable or unwilling to stand against him.
In such circumstances, Armenia cannot rely solely on internal mechanisms. An independent outside organization is essential to protect the state and its future.
Of course, this would require enormous effort. It would need capable leadership, financial support, legal expertise, and, perhaps most importantly, a country willing to host such an institution. Without those elements, it would remain only an idea.
Most importantly, it would require dedicated people willing to devote years of their lives to building institutions instead of simply reacting to events. In my experience, I’ve often seen remarkable dedication from Armenian women in community organizations. They frequently become the people who keep institutions running and get things done. Ultimately, however, success would require the commitment and cooperation of both women and men.
These are questions worth discussing now, because if a nation waits until a crisis has fully unfolded, the opportunity to prepare may already have passed.
