Armenia’s Ordeal in a Resource-Driven World
I was recently in Armenia. I was previously there at the end of September, when Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Artsakh, was suddenly and completely emptied of Armenians. Although within the boundaries of Azerbaijan, it was an autonomous enclave, and had been the homeland of Armenians for millennia.
There have been recent reports of Azeris destroying historical and Christian Armenian buildings in Artsakh to rewrite history. The European Parliament (EU) concluded on Oct. 5 that the forceful removal of Armenians from Artsakh constituted “ethnic cleansing.” I was almost annoyed that they finally came up with the right legal term. Where was the Parliament at the start of the persecution? Why didn’t they stop Azerbaijan then? According to the resolution, the EU is supposed to reduce its dependency on gas exports from Azerbaijan and demanded that Brussels review its relations with the country. The resolution was non-binding, and likely won’t be implemented. I guess gas is more important than human rights. What a disgrace.
In May, Armenia signed a new agreement with Azerbaijan. Bagrat Galstanyan, a bishop who is religiously responsible for the inhabitants of three Armenian villages, villages now set to be handed over to Azerbaijan, was outraged, as were many. He recently walked from Tavush, the province he serves, to the capital, Yerevan, on foot—about 100 miles. He got tens of thousands of other Armenians to join his march, to stop the Armenian government from “giving away more sacred Armenian land.”
Armenian protesters
In Armenia, I met researcher Anzhela Mnatsakanyan, who helped our organization ADFA (A Demand For Action) with aid projects. We sat in one of the cafes in the heart of Yerevan, joined by parliamentarian Zemfira Mirzoeva and journalist Anush Ghavalyan.
“The problem that most people don’t seem to understand is not the three villages that our government agreed to give up. It is the borders with other countries and control. The main roads from Armenia to Georgia and then the road from Armenia to Iran will be controlled by Azerbaijan. That has weakened Armenia tremendously. They will be able to control all trade between us and other neighboring countries. That is why we need a strong public voice to stop the aggression and say ‘no.’ That’s why Bishop Galstanyan’s movement is important,” said Mirzoeva.
I asked the other two women if this was true, and if so, why this was not better publicized.
“Right now, Armenians, both in the diaspora and here at home, are so polarized that it is hardly possible to talk about anything without being attacked on social media. We also need to consider that Armenian society is extremely traumatized after the war. Hate speech on social media, disinformation campaigns, and the fear of a new war keep society under emotional stress,” replied Mnatsakanyan.
Ghavalyan, who is also tired of the “social media bickering,” said that the Armenian people have lost focus. She said that while it has only been a few months since she and others were forced to flee Artsakh, it felt like it had already been forgotten. I asked her if Bishop Galstanyan’s promise was realistic—that 120,000 Armenians who fled Artsakh would be allowed to return.
“At this point, it’s not realistic to talk about a possible return, given the lack of security mechanisms. The issue should be on the agenda, but at the same time, it shouldn’t be used for inter-political purposes. Artsakh Armenians are vulnerable to this sensitive issue. They are physically and mentally exhausted. They face social and economic problems, and many of them just want to find a glimmer of hope in someone or something,” she said.
I followed the bishop for a few days. It was hard to get a sense of the scale of his support.
One day he had about 10,000 followers demonstrating alongside him, another day there were not even 400. My first thought was that I should interview him in person. But I listened to him and heard him tell journalists the same thing over and over again. I spoke with more than 10 of his supporters and one of his closest collaborators. I spoke to just as many, if not more, who thought the bishop was a “charlatan.” Supporters of the government view the bishop as a tool of opposition for politicians close to Russia. It’s hot emotions whoever you talk to.
During my time in Armenia, political researcher Anzhela Mnatsakanyan, Canadian Armenian videographer Shant Khatcherian, and I filmed children for a charity project.
“I want to be a doctor, but it won’t work out. I am the best in my class, and I will get into university, but it would cost my family $2,500. We don’t have that kind of money, $2,500 per academic year,” a 16-year-old Assyrian girl told me when we visited Armenia’s Assyrian villages
I checked it out. It was true. And it symbolized Armenia to me—that a teenager didn’t think she could go to school to become a doctor and help others in need, even though the cost of her studies was the equivalent of what children in other countries pay for soda pop every year. I made it a personal mission to ensure that we in ADFA help her become a doctor.
The Artsakh Armenians, like the Assyrians, have found a safe haven in Armenia. The vast majority of Artsakh Armenians want to return to their homes and their lives. But is that realistic? Is it sensible to think that Armenia will not be forced to give up more of its land to its hostile neighbor to maintain some semblance of peace?
Armenia has far too few friends in the world, and no natural resources either, other than a stunningly beautiful and historic country struggling to become a tourist attraction. All the while there is conflict. And the food, that food …
Armenia needs help—to survive and thrive. What do you say President Joe Biden and the international community? Because now the only support many in Armenia feel they have is from Iran. Is that what we really want?
